I'm not one for kneejerk anti-Americanism (much overused and misused though that word is) but I never imagined that I'de be out-leftied in a casual pub discussion in the Goddamn United States of America, but in Rocky Sullivan's, a down-at-heel Irish boozer in Central Manhattan, I found possibly the most resolutely leftwing pub I've ever been in while on holiday in New York last week.
It's a belter of a place - sure, it's dark, dingy and the toilets are a bit of a state but the place hums with righteous argument, not in pretentious chin-stroking fashion but in a hearty, engaged and boozy way. When I first got chatting to the barman, Chris, about the Irish peace process I was expecting the standard cartooon republicanism with which Irish-Americans are often, and sometimes unfairly, associated (this is a place with a fair bit of Celtic, Free Derry etc paraphernalia on the wall after all). But no, your man's main criticisms centred on the insufficiently class-based nature of Sinn Fein's politics and how they just weren't leftwing enough.
We moved on, along with assorted other local barflies (including a Bush-ite who was comprehensively blepsed in a row about Iraq), to union rights, the Middle-East and even John McDonnell and the state of the Labour party. It's the sort of amenable yet diverse place you could stay in until 4am without realising it, which is what we did. Rocky Sullivan's also hosts debates, meetings and live music from rollicking good-time pub bands.
Alas, I was told the bar is closing at the end of July, a victim of The Man's high rents and brutal economics, though I'm assured it will be reopening in Brooklyn. Let's hope so.
Fine jukebox too - my selections: It's Gonna Happen - The Undertones; Follow the Leader - Eric B & Rakim; Christmas in Washington - Steve Earle; Novelty - Joy Division; Waiting for the Great Leap Forward - Billy Bragg.
Wednesday, 11 July 2007
Thursday, 5 July 2007
Alan Johnston - free at last
Nice to return home from a holiday to a piece of uncomplicated good news - the release of BBC Gaza correspondent (and NUJ member) Alan Johnston. There's much to say about this, from a political and journalistic perspective, but in the meantime, great news.
Thursday, 14 June 2007
Bald men fight over a comb: the Labour deputy leadership contest
Not the most inspiring of contests this, and one difficult not to approach with a certain grudging bitterness about the cowardice and control freakery that characterised the leadership coronation.
But anyway, Jon Cruddas deserves to win because he's the closest to non-dogmatic yet palpably Labour values (not 'old' or 'new', just Labour) - confronting a smattering of issues that Blairism has either ignored or been on the wrong side of: social housing, poverty and inequality, rights for immigrant workers, opposition to trident replacement. His response to the BNP's presence in his consistuency was also pretty impressive. I don't totally trust him, but he's the best of a poor bunch.
Beyond that, it's all about tactical deployment of votes to prevent Johnson and, particularly, Blears, a woman seemingly incapable of an original thought and whose demeanour of a demented training awayday 'team leader' has a nails-down-the-blackboard effect. That, and her dogmatic, not-for-turning obeissance to the Blair project.
So I went: 1 Cruddas; 2 Harman; 3 Benn; 4 Hain. And that's yer lot
But anyway, Jon Cruddas deserves to win because he's the closest to non-dogmatic yet palpably Labour values (not 'old' or 'new', just Labour) - confronting a smattering of issues that Blairism has either ignored or been on the wrong side of: social housing, poverty and inequality, rights for immigrant workers, opposition to trident replacement. His response to the BNP's presence in his consistuency was also pretty impressive. I don't totally trust him, but he's the best of a poor bunch.
Beyond that, it's all about tactical deployment of votes to prevent Johnson and, particularly, Blears, a woman seemingly incapable of an original thought and whose demeanour of a demented training awayday 'team leader' has a nails-down-the-blackboard effect. That, and her dogmatic, not-for-turning obeissance to the Blair project.
So I went: 1 Cruddas; 2 Harman; 3 Benn; 4 Hain. And that's yer lot
The Short answer
If Gordon Brown wants to eliminate waste in the public sector, perhaps he might want to take a look at how some of the councils most loyal to New Labourism operate, such as Tower Hamlets Council who last month agreed to pay an out-of-court settlement to press officer Eileen Short ahead of a scheduled unfair dismissal employment tribunal.
The damages the council has had to pay aren't likely to burn huge holes in local taxpayers' pockets, but they might nonetheless want to question how their council got itself into this position. The answer lies in a familiar blind ideological faith in outside private consultants, the attendant unaccountable politicking this generates, and a comprehensive contempt for their own staff and trade unions.
Eileen, a press officer specialising in education, was the victim of a ridiculous bogus restructuring of the council's communications department in September 2005, in which she was forced to effectively reapply for her own job, since the reorganisation created various new 'press officer' posts. She duly applied to be assimilated into one of them. No one else did. She didn't get the job. And despite a subsequent dispute involving Unison and the NUJ - including three and a half days of strike action - she lost her job in January 2006.
So why was she forced out? Outside of her work, Eileen was active in the Defend Council Housing campaign, and was a strong opponent of the council's crude attempts to railroad tenants into voting to transfer control of their estates to less accountable housing associations. This was denied by the council, who themselves admitted that Eileen's outside campaigning had had no adverse impact on how she was performing at work, but, well, they would say that wouldn't they? And, as Private Eye reported, the fact that the council's then chief executive was Christine Gilbert, wife of former housing minister Tony McNulty, was also an interesting incidental detail.
But the nasty victimisation of a housing campaigner wasn't the whole story either. The saga epitomised the negative and destructive role that private consultants can play in public authorities, bringing not the efficiency and dynamism heralded by their Blairite cheerleaders - but instead unaccountable and politically-motivated chaos. Eileen was dismissed shortly after the council's communications department had been taken over by PR consultancy Verve, whose head honcho Lorraine Langham had managed to move smoothly from contract to contract throughout her many years with Tower Hamlets. A Verve consultant sat in on the interview panel that denied Eileen her job - so the company's protests that the dismissal had nothing to do with it were laughable. And throughout all this, the communications service provided to the media with the public's money inevitably suffered.
The failure of the strike to win Eileen her job back was demoralising for staff, but the payout and cave-in by Tower Hamlets has been some consolation. (She got a job back at the Town Hall last summer anyhow, when Respect's gains in the council elections made them the second party in the borough and thereby entitled to appoint a political adviser; they appointed Eileen.) Happily, the council's press officer posts are now back in-house and Verve and Langham are no longer on the scene. A battle lost, but a war (at least partially) won. And strikers' willingness to stand firm has certainly made the council think twice about picking such a fight again. This should be an example to others. And to union leaders.
The damages the council has had to pay aren't likely to burn huge holes in local taxpayers' pockets, but they might nonetheless want to question how their council got itself into this position. The answer lies in a familiar blind ideological faith in outside private consultants, the attendant unaccountable politicking this generates, and a comprehensive contempt for their own staff and trade unions.
Eileen, a press officer specialising in education, was the victim of a ridiculous bogus restructuring of the council's communications department in September 2005, in which she was forced to effectively reapply for her own job, since the reorganisation created various new 'press officer' posts. She duly applied to be assimilated into one of them. No one else did. She didn't get the job. And despite a subsequent dispute involving Unison and the NUJ - including three and a half days of strike action - she lost her job in January 2006.
So why was she forced out? Outside of her work, Eileen was active in the Defend Council Housing campaign, and was a strong opponent of the council's crude attempts to railroad tenants into voting to transfer control of their estates to less accountable housing associations. This was denied by the council, who themselves admitted that Eileen's outside campaigning had had no adverse impact on how she was performing at work, but, well, they would say that wouldn't they? And, as Private Eye reported, the fact that the council's then chief executive was Christine Gilbert, wife of former housing minister Tony McNulty, was also an interesting incidental detail.
But the nasty victimisation of a housing campaigner wasn't the whole story either. The saga epitomised the negative and destructive role that private consultants can play in public authorities, bringing not the efficiency and dynamism heralded by their Blairite cheerleaders - but instead unaccountable and politically-motivated chaos. Eileen was dismissed shortly after the council's communications department had been taken over by PR consultancy Verve, whose head honcho Lorraine Langham had managed to move smoothly from contract to contract throughout her many years with Tower Hamlets. A Verve consultant sat in on the interview panel that denied Eileen her job - so the company's protests that the dismissal had nothing to do with it were laughable. And throughout all this, the communications service provided to the media with the public's money inevitably suffered.
The failure of the strike to win Eileen her job back was demoralising for staff, but the payout and cave-in by Tower Hamlets has been some consolation. (She got a job back at the Town Hall last summer anyhow, when Respect's gains in the council elections made them the second party in the borough and thereby entitled to appoint a political adviser; they appointed Eileen.) Happily, the council's press officer posts are now back in-house and Verve and Langham are no longer on the scene. A battle lost, but a war (at least partially) won. And strikers' willingness to stand firm has certainly made the council think twice about picking such a fight again. This should be an example to others. And to union leaders.
1982 and all that: pop's golden age?
This year is the anniversary of 1982. People did different things then, lived different lives, to paraphrase Chris Morris's Day Today spoof of witless 'reminiscipackages'. At present, of course, the reminiscence industry is busy churning out 'Falklands: 25 years on' retrospectives. Sends an instinctive shudder through lefties of a certain age, all this, I'd imagine - that conflict being commonly cited ever since as the motor for Thatcher's 1983 election landslide and the hammerings of the Left that followed.
But bollocks to all that. Let's concentrate on the good stuff from that time, specifically the pop music. It's been said that great pop music can inspire tumultous social changes, but I've never bought that line. It's surely the other way round - tumultous social changes can inspire great pop music. And this is one of the reasons why the early Eighties were such a fascinating period in the history of our popular culture.
Of course, there's a huge amount of subjectivity at work here. That this was the period when I first started following the charts and buying records (Madness singles, mainly, from scrimped-together pocket money) certainly informs my fondness for the music of the time. Yet I'm less fond, now, of the era when I was actually most going to gigs, clubs and buying albums by the shedload (the early Nineties). I was clearlier a cannier judge of a tune at 11 than I was at 21. The early Eighties rocked. The early Nineties didn't.
Much of the era's vibrancy is exhaustively documented in Simon Reynolds' masterly Rip it Up and Start Again, which argues, rightly, that 'post-punk' was actually far more important than the initial punk uprising. Things really got interesting when the ideals and sounds that inspired punk were blended with the other pioneering sounds of the era, such as disco, electronica and hip hop. All had their roots in the late Seventies, but from very different starting points, geographically and sonically. Most importantly, all had their moments of utter greatness. Punk v Disco was always one of pop's most pointless stand-offs. To take sides would make as much sense as cutting off one of your ears. And the likes of Talking Heads, Blondie, PiL, Gang of Four understood this. Throw in yer Two Tone acts and yer complete one-offs such as Dexys and you have a scene set for one of pop's high-watermarks, which is what 1982 was. A year in which there truly was something for everyone.
So here's five very different, very diverse reasons why 1982 was so great.
1 Party Fears Two - The Associates
Scotland rocked in the early Eighties. Or rather it didn't, and thank Christ. By the late 80s, much mainstream Scottish music had slipped into a slough of bombastic mediocrity typified by the likes of Simple Minds, Del Amitri, Deacon Blue and co. Earlier in the decade, however, the sound of young Scotland (Altered Images, Orange Juice and co) was playful, experimental and infused with a gloriously expansive pop energy. These elements were never more majestically combined than in Party Fears Two. There's loads going on here - the expectant opening synth chords, the infectious piano riffs, bass, string and synth sounds going all over the place - all topped off by Billy Mackenzie's awesome vocal histrionics, which could be about everything or nothing; a cry of despair or hope. A song that it's impossible to tire of.
2 The Message - Grandmaster Flash
Much early hip hop lacks the slick expert production sound of the likes of Dr Dre, but what it lacks in polish it made up for in innovation, lyrical dexterity and righteous anger. The Message has been much lionised in subsequent years (it was never a massive hit at the time), but rightly so - a compelling state-of-the-city lament for New York urban decay, and the best political record of the period. It's something of an indictment of these times that a record as powerful and indignant as this now sounds so dated. It still hits the spot, though.
3 Inside Out - Odyssey
Eighties soul is terribly undervalued, and even within the story of the soul/disco/funk of the time, Odyssey rarely get much of a mention. More popular in Britain than in their native New York, they produced a string of cracking singles notable not just for their polished and soulful tunes but the heartfelt yet emotionally mature lyrics. Few break-up songs hit the spot like their 1980 hit If You're Looking for a Way Out, and few betrayal songs are as accomplished as Inside Out - six sublime minutes that stretch keyboard, string and bass arrangements to their emotional limit. And it manages to be magnificent despite the fact that Louise Lopez's vocals are slightly off-note for the duration.
4 Say Hello, Wave Goodbye - Soft Cell
Soft Cell can sometimes be written off as mere ultra-camp electro-disco tarts (not that there's anything necessarily wrong with that), but there was always a hell of a lot more going on in their best work. Marc Almond was an expert conveyor of angst, loneliness and despair. Indeed, it was key to their considerable chart success. If their cover of Tainted Love (notably inferior to Gloria Jones' northern soul original) made their name, its more downbeat successors - Bedsitter, Say Hello, Wave Goodbye and Torch - saw them give full vent to their capabilities. Say Hello... is the pick, a heartfelt lament for an opposites-attract relationship gone horribly sour, complete with orchestral flourishes and compelling choruses. Those who think electronic-based music can't convey emotion have always been fools.
5 Ain't No Pleasin' You - Chas'n'Dave
Not an ironic choice this, honest, much though the Kings of Rockney have of late been appropriated by the Hoxton set since Pete Doherty started bigging them up. OK, so Ain't No Pleasin' You doesn't slot into any of the categories or trends mentioned above - and wouldn't have got remotely close to even a cursory mention in Reynolds' book - but it's still a great sing-a-long slice of pub white soul. A male "I will Surive" if you will. More personally, and perhaps pathetically, much of my affection for this song is down to its recent embrace by some Leyton Orient fans - and its association with the spontaneous pub party on the night we got promoted in May 2006. Belting it out it in a big arms-linked scrum at a karaoke on that delirious evening is one of my happiest memories. Sentimental, sad, but true.
But bollocks to all that. Let's concentrate on the good stuff from that time, specifically the pop music. It's been said that great pop music can inspire tumultous social changes, but I've never bought that line. It's surely the other way round - tumultous social changes can inspire great pop music. And this is one of the reasons why the early Eighties were such a fascinating period in the history of our popular culture.
Of course, there's a huge amount of subjectivity at work here. That this was the period when I first started following the charts and buying records (Madness singles, mainly, from scrimped-together pocket money) certainly informs my fondness for the music of the time. Yet I'm less fond, now, of the era when I was actually most going to gigs, clubs and buying albums by the shedload (the early Nineties). I was clearlier a cannier judge of a tune at 11 than I was at 21. The early Eighties rocked. The early Nineties didn't.
Much of the era's vibrancy is exhaustively documented in Simon Reynolds' masterly Rip it Up and Start Again, which argues, rightly, that 'post-punk' was actually far more important than the initial punk uprising. Things really got interesting when the ideals and sounds that inspired punk were blended with the other pioneering sounds of the era, such as disco, electronica and hip hop. All had their roots in the late Seventies, but from very different starting points, geographically and sonically. Most importantly, all had their moments of utter greatness. Punk v Disco was always one of pop's most pointless stand-offs. To take sides would make as much sense as cutting off one of your ears. And the likes of Talking Heads, Blondie, PiL, Gang of Four understood this. Throw in yer Two Tone acts and yer complete one-offs such as Dexys and you have a scene set for one of pop's high-watermarks, which is what 1982 was. A year in which there truly was something for everyone.
So here's five very different, very diverse reasons why 1982 was so great.
1 Party Fears Two - The Associates
Scotland rocked in the early Eighties. Or rather it didn't, and thank Christ. By the late 80s, much mainstream Scottish music had slipped into a slough of bombastic mediocrity typified by the likes of Simple Minds, Del Amitri, Deacon Blue and co. Earlier in the decade, however, the sound of young Scotland (Altered Images, Orange Juice and co) was playful, experimental and infused with a gloriously expansive pop energy. These elements were never more majestically combined than in Party Fears Two. There's loads going on here - the expectant opening synth chords, the infectious piano riffs, bass, string and synth sounds going all over the place - all topped off by Billy Mackenzie's awesome vocal histrionics, which could be about everything or nothing; a cry of despair or hope. A song that it's impossible to tire of.
2 The Message - Grandmaster Flash
Much early hip hop lacks the slick expert production sound of the likes of Dr Dre, but what it lacks in polish it made up for in innovation, lyrical dexterity and righteous anger. The Message has been much lionised in subsequent years (it was never a massive hit at the time), but rightly so - a compelling state-of-the-city lament for New York urban decay, and the best political record of the period. It's something of an indictment of these times that a record as powerful and indignant as this now sounds so dated. It still hits the spot, though.
3 Inside Out - Odyssey
Eighties soul is terribly undervalued, and even within the story of the soul/disco/funk of the time, Odyssey rarely get much of a mention. More popular in Britain than in their native New York, they produced a string of cracking singles notable not just for their polished and soulful tunes but the heartfelt yet emotionally mature lyrics. Few break-up songs hit the spot like their 1980 hit If You're Looking for a Way Out, and few betrayal songs are as accomplished as Inside Out - six sublime minutes that stretch keyboard, string and bass arrangements to their emotional limit. And it manages to be magnificent despite the fact that Louise Lopez's vocals are slightly off-note for the duration.
4 Say Hello, Wave Goodbye - Soft Cell
Soft Cell can sometimes be written off as mere ultra-camp electro-disco tarts (not that there's anything necessarily wrong with that), but there was always a hell of a lot more going on in their best work. Marc Almond was an expert conveyor of angst, loneliness and despair. Indeed, it was key to their considerable chart success. If their cover of Tainted Love (notably inferior to Gloria Jones' northern soul original) made their name, its more downbeat successors - Bedsitter, Say Hello, Wave Goodbye and Torch - saw them give full vent to their capabilities. Say Hello... is the pick, a heartfelt lament for an opposites-attract relationship gone horribly sour, complete with orchestral flourishes and compelling choruses. Those who think electronic-based music can't convey emotion have always been fools.
5 Ain't No Pleasin' You - Chas'n'Dave
Not an ironic choice this, honest, much though the Kings of Rockney have of late been appropriated by the Hoxton set since Pete Doherty started bigging them up. OK, so Ain't No Pleasin' You doesn't slot into any of the categories or trends mentioned above - and wouldn't have got remotely close to even a cursory mention in Reynolds' book - but it's still a great sing-a-long slice of pub white soul. A male "I will Surive" if you will. More personally, and perhaps pathetically, much of my affection for this song is down to its recent embrace by some Leyton Orient fans - and its association with the spontaneous pub party on the night we got promoted in May 2006. Belting it out it in a big arms-linked scrum at a karaoke on that delirious evening is one of my happiest memories. Sentimental, sad, but true.
Saturday, 19 May 2007
Enemies of freedom
One of the most important campaigns being run by our union at the moment is against attempts to water down the Freedom of Information Act. More details from the Campaign for Freedom of Information here. Note too, that only one of the people who stood for either leader or deputy leader of the Labour party supports the early day motion opposing attempts to neuter the Act.
Meanwhile, today - a day and a bit into the fresh new era of "listening" and "being humbled" ushered in by Gordon Brown - MPs vote to exempt themselves from the already inadequate strictures of the FOI Act.
Here's a list of those MPs who voted this madness in. Apologies for the Mail link (I won't make a habit of it) but there's some people in there who really ought to know better.
Meanwhile, today - a day and a bit into the fresh new era of "listening" and "being humbled" ushered in by Gordon Brown - MPs vote to exempt themselves from the already inadequate strictures of the FOI Act.
Here's a list of those MPs who voted this madness in. Apologies for the Mail link (I won't make a habit of it) but there's some people in there who really ought to know better.
Wednesday, 16 May 2007
A party afraid of its members
So John McDonnell has conceded, having failed to get the 44 MP nominations needed to trigger a ballot of the Labour party's members and affiliated trade unionists. John fought an honest and upfront campaign, with policies on many issues (such as trident replacement and the Iraq war) that more than a hundred Labour MPs agreed with him on and rebelled on. But when it came down to it, very few of them had the guts to nominate someone who shared some of their views. Other bits of McDonnell's programme were perhaps further to the left, but to not allow members a contest is, frankly, a disgrace.
So Labour will line up at the next election not with a properly elected leader, like the other parties, but with one "elected", basically, over dinner in a poncey Islington restaurant 13 years ago. For this was where the facts on the ground of Brown's candidacy were created. And Brown has now succeeded in bullying and manipulating his way to the top job, with the help of a parliamentary party afraid of its members. Are we really that scary? Do they really despise and distrust us that much?
I get a fair bit of flack from mates for being in the Labour party, though I stand by my membership. With the Blair era coming to an end, there was and is a space within the party and the labour movement for imaginative and democratic discussion on changing the outlook and direction of the government. Blair-Brownism (for they are one and the same), in as much as it can be dignified with being called a political philosophy, *is* on the decline, intellectually and as a political and popular force. That hasn't changed. Nor has the progressive outlook of large numbers of people in the party; there's still probably more decent progressive socialists in the Labour party than there are in those parties further to the left. The only other one that really looked like making inroads, the Scottish Socialist Party, has imploded, and the left looks as weak as ever, outside and inside the party.
Yet the ideas put forward in McDonnell's campaign aren't weak and aren't, mostly, unpopular. We all need a good think about how to reconcile this gap between popular policies and unpopular (or relatively unknown) actual political movements. McDonnell, for his part, came across well during the campaign - articulate and impassioned without being smug and hectoring. Such a contrast with Brown himself, whose campaign leaflet came in the post today. Its aims were as vague and fluffy and platitudinous as the worst Blair produced - "Britain number one for education... every child the best start in life... an NHS that earns the trust of patients and staff... no pragmatism just soft-focus meaninglessness. We'll hear no more, I suspect, of the "Blair-Brown split" since it was never a political wrangle.
Meanwhile, I hope the intra-left recriminations and gloating are kept to an absolute minimum in the aftermath of this, and that we aim our fire where it belongs - on the spineless cowards of the PLP and the chief coward and bully himself, Gordon Brown. That's one thing he's got in common with George Bush already - neither came to power in a proper election. What a start.
So Labour will line up at the next election not with a properly elected leader, like the other parties, but with one "elected", basically, over dinner in a poncey Islington restaurant 13 years ago. For this was where the facts on the ground of Brown's candidacy were created. And Brown has now succeeded in bullying and manipulating his way to the top job, with the help of a parliamentary party afraid of its members. Are we really that scary? Do they really despise and distrust us that much?
I get a fair bit of flack from mates for being in the Labour party, though I stand by my membership. With the Blair era coming to an end, there was and is a space within the party and the labour movement for imaginative and democratic discussion on changing the outlook and direction of the government. Blair-Brownism (for they are one and the same), in as much as it can be dignified with being called a political philosophy, *is* on the decline, intellectually and as a political and popular force. That hasn't changed. Nor has the progressive outlook of large numbers of people in the party; there's still probably more decent progressive socialists in the Labour party than there are in those parties further to the left. The only other one that really looked like making inroads, the Scottish Socialist Party, has imploded, and the left looks as weak as ever, outside and inside the party.
Yet the ideas put forward in McDonnell's campaign aren't weak and aren't, mostly, unpopular. We all need a good think about how to reconcile this gap between popular policies and unpopular (or relatively unknown) actual political movements. McDonnell, for his part, came across well during the campaign - articulate and impassioned without being smug and hectoring. Such a contrast with Brown himself, whose campaign leaflet came in the post today. Its aims were as vague and fluffy and platitudinous as the worst Blair produced - "Britain number one for education... every child the best start in life... an NHS that earns the trust of patients and staff... no pragmatism just soft-focus meaninglessness. We'll hear no more, I suspect, of the "Blair-Brown split" since it was never a political wrangle.
Meanwhile, I hope the intra-left recriminations and gloating are kept to an absolute minimum in the aftermath of this, and that we aim our fire where it belongs - on the spineless cowards of the PLP and the chief coward and bully himself, Gordon Brown. That's one thing he's got in common with George Bush already - neither came to power in a proper election. What a start.
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